FOCUS ON DR. BESIGYE’S FUTILE APPEAL TO BUSH WAR VETERANS

By CHANGE OF GUARDS

Dr. Kizza Besigye, Uganda’s prominent opposition leader, recently called upon veterans of President Museveni’s Bush War (1981–1986) to join the struggle to dislodge Museveni from power. Besigye’s appeal is rooted in the belief that the current state of Museveni’s government, particularly its evolution into a family-centered rule, deviates from the original objectives of the Bush War. According to Besigye, the Bush War veterans fought for democratic governance and national unity, not the current political structure dominated by Museveni’s family and close associates.

The NRA’s Bush War was largely seen as a rebellion against the northern-dominated government of Milton Obote, whose Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) drew many of its ranks from the Acholi and Langi ethnic groups. Museveni’s guerrilla forces, the NRA (National Resistance Army), were primarily composed of Baganda foot soldiers and led by commanders from the Bahima and Banyarwanda communities, along with some other ethnic groups from western Uganda. There were also a few Banyankole Bairu, Batooro, and Banyoro fighters, but representation from other regions and tribes was minimal.

Notably, only a few non-westerners were involved in the war effort. For example, there was Dhamuzungu Oguli from Busoga, who is now reportedly involved in the distribution of seedlings, and a Mugisu fighter who fled to London shortly after the NRA’s victory in 1986. The lack of representation from various regions of Uganda in the NRA’s ranks highlighted the regional and ethnic divides that characterized Museveni’s rebellion.

Besigye’s call to Bush War veterans is an effort to remind them of their original mission and to rally their support against what he views as a betrayal of the ideals they fought for. His argument suggests that Museveni’s government has become a vehicle for personal and family enrichment, rather than the inclusive and democratic government the NRA veterans envisioned when they fought to topple Obote’s regime.

Over the last 38 years, President Museveni has methodically transformed the National Resistance Army (NRA) into his personal military apparatus, with a top command dominated by Bahima and Banyarwanda officers, while foot soldiers are predominantly drawn from northern Uganda. This transformation reflects a broader trend in Uganda’s political and military landscape, where ethnic loyalties, familial ties, and strategic purges have significantly maintained Museveni’s grip on power.

The initial group that fought in the Luweero Bush War (1981–1985) has been systematically sidelined, purged, or marginalized through natural attrition, often by way of orchestrated political or military exits. Many of those core fighters, who believed they were fighting for a broader national cause, have since been replaced by later waves of soldiers and commanders more loyal to Museveni personally.

The “Kyamukwese Group” (1985–1986), which joined the movement towards the end of the Bush War, is now facing a similar fate. These individuals, who were part of the final phase of Museveni’s ascent to power, are being phased out to make way for a younger generation. This group of loyalists helped consolidate Museveni’s rule in the early years but now finds itself being gradually replaced.

The “job seekers group” (1986–2000), consisting of individuals who joined the military after the NRA had taken power, is also in the process of transitioning power to the next generation. This group has played a key role in maintaining the regime during the formative years of Museveni’s presidency, often for personal or opportunistic reasons rather than ideological alignment with the Bush War principles.

Now, the future of Museveni’s hold on power seems to rest with the “Crown Prince” group, spearheaded by his son, General Muhoozi Kainerugaba. This group is seen as the custodians of transitioning from father to son, positioning Muhoozi to inherit not just the presidency but the deeply entrenched military structure that has kept Museveni in power for decades. The younger officers, many of whom are personally loyal to Muhoozi, are being groomed to ensure a smooth handover of power, aligning the military behind the family’s dynastic rule.

This strategy underscores the evolution of the NRA/UPDF from a national liberation force into a personal army loyal to the Museveni family. By maintaining control over the military’s top echelons and ensuring that loyalty runs deep within the officer corps, Museveni is preparing for a potential transition of power within the family while maintaining a firm grip on Uganda’s military and political machinery.

This “roll call” of veterans from Museveni’s Bush War humorously yet pointedly reflects the various paths and roles that former comrades have taken since their victory in 1986. Many of these figures have either become powerful members of the regime, accepted their roles as figureheads, or have drifted into exile or disillusionment. Here’s a summary of some key figures from your list:

1. Gen. Saleh – I am busy managing the national treasury.
2. Gen. Muntu – I am busy organizing.
3. Gen. Kagame – I am busy managing Rwanda, and the Museveni regime is a partner in our secession scheme for Eastern Congo.
4. Gen. Otafiire – I am a comfortable hostage.
5. Gen. Ssejusa – I am a hostage but need no rescue. I returned from exile fearing indictment by the ICC.
6. Gen. Tumukunde – I was a hostage until I became an in-law and am now part of the family rule.
7. Gen. Jim Muhwezi – I am a member of the family rule.
8. Amama Mbabazi – I am stuck in dreams of Museveni grooming me to succeed him.
9. Ruhakana Rugunda – Mzei is always right.
10. Gen. Nalweyiso – As a Primary 7 graduate, what can I be without Mzei?
11. Hajji Naduli – I am taking over Tamale Mirundi’s role of political comedy.
12. Col. Kyakabale – Before I returned from exile, I learned that it’s taboo for a Mukiga to oppose Museveni.
13. Col. Mande – Though in exile, my regular secret visits to Uganda are comforting.
14. Gen. Kyaligonza – I am a hostage but not craving rescue.
15. Col. Chihandae – I was castrated 34 years ago.
16. Gen. Henry Matsiko – As a Japanese, Mzei is always right.
17. Gen. Kalekyezi – As a Japanese, Mzei is always right.
18. Gen. Koreta – After losing out on heading the army due to my ethnic background, I am a comfortable hostage.
19. Gen. Kashaka – I am busy trying to survive through loyalty to Mzei.
20. Gen. Fred Mweigye-Mzei is always right.
21. Gen. Elly Kayanja – Without Mzei, how would I be able to make land transactions worth Shillings 400 billion?
22. Col. Mushega – I am busy picking leftovers under Museveni’s table.
23. Col. Butime – As a Mutooro, I am taken for granted.
24. Col. Kwiringira – As a Japanese, Mzei is always right.
25. Gen. Kasura – Owing to Mzei’s special interest in land matters, I am on his special assignment in the agriculture sector.
26. Maj. John Kazoora – I am still alive because I abandoned opposition politics.
27. Maj. Rubaramira – I am still alive because I abandoned opposition politics.
28. Col. Dick Bugingo – As a Japanese and unexpectedly wealthy man, Mzei is always right.
29. Col. Fred Bogere – I am still alive because I learned to mind my own business.
30. Maj. Kakooza Mutale – I am rotting in the dustbin after being used and dumped.
31. Mrs. Geterude Njuba – After being used and dumped, survival is my only concern.
32. Moses Kigongo – Ever since Museveni foiled my attempt to escape from the Bush War 40 years ago, I’ve learned to mind my own business.
33. Gen. Kavuma – As a Japanese, Mzei is always right.
34. Lower ranks, ordinary fighters, and civilian war veterans – We are helpless and only mobilized with empty promises during election seasons.

Therefore, Dr. Besigye’s appeal seems to be misdirected, as the so-called Bush War Veterans are no longer in control of influencing political changes. Perhaps he needs to create a new cadre of war veterans once the country is liberated from its current crisis.

INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM