In 1986, Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) seized power in Uganda, promising to end the chaos and bring about a golden age of stability and prosperity. The nation, desperate for change, dared to hope. International observers held their breath, watching a country poised to rise from the ashes. The responsibilities of governance were clear: protect human rights, maintain law and order, provide public goods, regulate the economy, distribute resources fairly, protect the environment, defend the nation, and manage international relations. Yet, after 38 long years, Museveni’s regime stands as an abominable monument to the utter betrayal of these promises, an era marked by ruthless tyranny and mind-numbing corruption.
Museveni’s reign has transformed Uganda into a grotesque autocracy, a caricature of democracy. The Constitution of Uganda, with its grandiose declarations that “all power belongs to the people” and “basic rights and freedoms of the individual are inherent and not given by the State,” is nothing but a cruel joke. Uganda has become a dark fiefdom where Museveni wields absolute power, controlling every facet of society, from the legislature and executive to the judiciary, armed forces, economy, and even religious organisations. Human rights in Uganda are conditional, granted or revoked at the whim of an all-powerful president who has transformed the country into his personal playground.
Consider the so-called constitutional guarantee of the “freedom of assembly and to demonstrate together with others peacefully.” This right is a fairy tale. Unlike their Kenyan counterparts, who recently exercised this right with some success, Ugandan youth face brutal repression. The state’s response to any protest is shockingly violent, with the police and army using lethal force to crush dissent. This ensures that any peaceful assembly is either violently suppressed or sabotaged by state-sponsored provocateurs, justifying further brutality.
Kenya has moved forward since the dark days of Daniel arap Moi, but Uganda has regressed into a cesspool of absolutism. Even if Museveni permitted demonstrations, they would be marred by orchestrated violence, either from the police or regime-backed thugs, providing an excuse for further crackdowns. The fear among Ugandans is palpable, as illustrated by a retired doctor who described an invitation to a peaceful anti-corruption protest in Kampala as a “death warrant.” In Uganda, law and order mean violently silencing political opposition while propping up the ruler’s cronies. The police and army are mere instruments of Museveni’s will, not protectors of the public.
The legislative bodies of Uganda and Kenya share a common trait: servile MPs who act as lapdogs for their presidents. In Uganda, MPs are nothing more than puppets, their loyalty bought with cash. The infamous example of Ugandan MPs accepting 5 million shillings each to abolish presidential term limits in 2005 is eerily similar to recent allegations that Kenyan MPs were bribed to pass the Finance Bill 2024. These legislators serve their interests and the ruler’s agenda, ensuring that the executive and parliament are parasites feeding off the state.
Uganda’s executive and legislative branches are now mechanisms for enriching the ruling elite at the public’s expense. National budgets, supposedly earmarked for healthcare, education, and infrastructure, are instead diverted to ensure the luxurious lifestyles of Museveni and his cronies. Museveni’s economic management has been an unmitigated disaster. While Uganda has seen some economic and infrastructural progress, this has been marred by rampant corruption and conflicts of interest. Government leaders engage in business ventures that directly benefit from legislation they control, stifling fair competition and sabotaging the nation’s economic potential.
Local entrepreneurs are left to fend for themselves, while the nation’s resources are handed over to foreign companies, reminiscent of Mobutu Sese Seko’s Congo Free State. The result is an economy dominated by a few elites and foreign interests, while most Ugandans struggle to survive. The government’s accumulation of public debt has not improved the lives of the populace. Instead, it funds the lavish lifestyles of the ruling class and maintains a vast security apparatus to keep Museveni in power.
At the end of 2023, Uganda’s public debt stood at a staggering 93.38 trillion shillings, with external debt comprising 55.37 trillion shillings. While this debt remains below the critical debt-to-GDP threshold, its continued growth is alarming. In countries with transparent and honest public fund management, debt can be leveraged for development. In Uganda, however, it finances the ruling class’s opulence and entrenches a corrupt political system. The youth, burdened by unemployment and excessive taxation, are increasingly disillusioned and restless. The regime’s readiness to crush dissent only delays the inevitable eruption of public anger.
The Museveni administration faces a choice: continue down the path of tyranny and corruption or embrace social, economic, and political reforms. True justice, human rights promotion, equitable wealth distribution, and genuine anti-corruption measures could alter Uganda’s trajectory. However, such changes require a humility that Museveni lacks. The events in Kenya should serve as a warning, but whether Museveni will heed it remains doubtful.
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