By CHANGE OF GUARDS
Museveni’s childhood presidential ambition saw him join the secret services during the 1st Uganda Peaples Congress (UPC) government in the late1960s. When Gen. Idi Amin took power shortly after (in 1971), Museveni fled to Tanzania where he embarked furtherance of his presidential ambition. That’s partly why he founded his briefcase organisation, FRONASA that ran parallel to the main group of exiles under Dr. Milton Obote. Museveni lured just a few young boys from Uganda who underwent military training alongside Mozambique’s FRELIMO combatants in Tanzania.
During the 1979 Moshi Conference of Ugandan exiles, Museveni’s own recruit, Sam Magara who had abandoned Museveni became one of the representatives of a different organisation and not FRONASA (NRA). Two years later during Museveni’s Bush War, the same Magara who had earlier rejoined FRONASA became the overall commander of Museveveni’s rebel NRA. Soon after, Magaara was accused of plotting to overthrow Museveni from the leadership of the NRA. Amidst the same accusation, Magara was killed by the government security services when he had sneaked into Kampala on his way to Nairobi. It is highly suspected that Magara’s presence was deliberately leaked to the government by his own NRA.
Brigadier Chef Ali, a.k.a Eria Maine, was one of Museveni’s recruits into Tanzania under FRONASA. When Museveni conspired with others to overthrow the UNLF government, Chef Ali joined hands with the infamous Gang of Four to start a guerrilla war based in the Rwenzori Mountains. He was later lured into Museveni’s NRA in Luwero. After capturing power, he was accused of hiding guns in his old guerrilla bases in the Rwenzori Mountains in a plot to overthrow Museveni. Chef Ali suffered humiliation before he met his miserable death.
Brigadier Tadeo Kanyankole had played a pivotal role in the training of Museveni’s NRA guerrillas. However, shortly before the fall of Kampala, Kanyankole was accused of working for the Catholic Church and the DP to overthrow Museveni. Kanyankole suffered the earliest form of humiliation before he met his most miserable death.
Sam Katabarwa represented Museveni’s FRONASA faction of the UNLA when Katabarwa contested for the position of Course Leader against UPC’s Kagata Namiti during their cadet training in Tanzania. Upon return to Uganda, Katabarwa joined Museveni’s NRA Bush War but for fear of his influence, Katabarwa was posted to Nairobi under the External Wing. Katabarwa was summoned back to the bush after he had made contact with UNLA’s Namiti Kagata who had proposed to Katabarwa the idea of peace talks with the government. The stormy meeting over the matter in the bush saw the NRA Bairu and Baganda commanders siding with Katabarwa while the Banyarwanda and Bahima sided with Museveni in opposing the talks. At the end of the day, Katabarwa was sent to Kampala to initiate talks with the government but as he was returning to the Bush, he was killed and his fresh body was buried by the NRA.
Col. Sserwanga had been the DP chairman for Makerere University before he joined Museveni’s NRA Bush War. Owing to his zeal and hard work in the execution of clandestine operations, Sserwanga was nicknamed before the Animal Farm’s horse, Boxer. As a top elite Muganda Commander, his appointment as Museo first PPS helped galvanize Museveni’s much needed support from Buganda. Sserwanga was later to become the army’s Chief Political Commissar. He too believed that Museveni was grooming him for the future presidency. However, Sserwanga’s woes started during the Constituent Assembly when he took independent stands on controversial issues. His sudden death, shortly after, marked the climax of the systematic phasing out of elite Baganda army officers from the nucleus of the NRA.
Gen. Ssejusa proved another thorn in Museveni’s flesh shortly after the death of Commander Sam Magara. Ssejusa was accused of plotting to overthrow Museveni from the leadership of the NRA. Moving with his AK-47 all the time, Museveni publicly threatened to break Gen. Ssejusa’s limbs. Since coming to power, Museveni has accused Ssejusa many times of plotting to overthrow Museveni. Ssejusa fled to exile in London in 2013 amidst accusations of treason where he declared intentions of dislodging Museveni from power. However, fearing arrest by the ICC for his alleged war crimes during the northern Uganda insurgency, Ssejusa returned to Uganda and has since then coiled his tail under Museveni’s throne.
Gen. Saleh who had all along been Museveni’s half-brother, enjoyed preferential treatment during the NRA Bush War. Coupled with his personality, he excelled as a superstar in terms of combat operations. His humane character made him a darling of all combatants across the ethnic divide. In 1989, Museveni sacked Saleh from the position of army chief and went ahead to dismiss his brother from the army amidst allegations that Saleh was plotting to overthrow Museveni. However, Gen. Salim Saleh has remained very influential and is seen by some as a potential replacement to Museveni.
As Museveni’s personal physician and executor of his top errands during the NRA Bush War, Col. Dr. Kiiza Besigye (KB) was Museveni’s blue eyed boy. Upon coming to power, KB became the youngest cabinet Minister and National Political Commissar. He too may have developed a false impression that Museveni had been grooming him (KB) for the future presidency. KB was one of the few army representatives in the Constituent Assembly who had independent positions over controversial issues. Consequently, KB was accused of conspiring with, among others, Gen. Ssejusa to overthrow Museveni’s government. KB has contested for the presidency four times amidst persecution characterised by accusations of treason and detentions without trial.
Owing to Museveni’s dictatorial leadership during his Bush War, Gen. Mugisha Muntu (MM) had at one time plotted to break away from Museveni’s NRA and form his own rebel movement. Upon coming into power, Muntu was catapaulted to the position of army chief. Having held the same position longer than anybody else, Gen. Muntu had falsely come to believe that Museveni was grooming him (MM) for the presidency. After being sacked, MM retired from military service and joined political opposition against Museveni. When his (MM) chances of contesting for the presidency were not forthcoming, he founded his own political party and finally appeared on the ballot paper.
Lt. Amama Mbabazi (JPAM) had been the Director of Legal Services of Museveni’s FRONASA faction of the UNLA. During the Bush Year, JPAM held special membership of the NRA External base in Nairobi. Upon coming to power, he headed the External Security Organisation. Since then, he has held several ministerial positions that earned him the title of Museveni’s “Super Minister”. JPAM had also come to believe that Museveni had been grooming him (Amama) to takeover the presidency. That’s what JPAM meant when he innocently accused those who were contesting against Museveni for jumping the queue. His troubles with Museveni came to light during his tenure as the Museveni regime party’s Secretary General. JPAM was accused of mobilising members against Museveni’s leadership. He was humiliatingly sacked and his military aides arrested before he contested against Museveni in the 2016 general elections. After his wings had been trimmed, JPAM returned to Museveni and is now picking crumbs from under Museveni’s dinning table.
Gen. Henry Tumukunde had been Museveni’s super spy chief before Tumukunde was detained without trial for eight years on accusations of politically disagreeing with his boss (Museveni). Tumukunde was later accused of treachery when he appealed to Rwanda to help dislodge Museveni from power. After contesting against Museveni in the 2021 general elections, Tumukunde has since then conspicuously gone silent.
Gen. Benon Biraro contested against Museveni in the 2016 general elections. During Biraro’s campaigns, he publicly criticized the representation of the army by serving officers in Parliament. Biraro died shortly after the polls.
Gen. Kalekyezi’s father, John Kale was deported back to Rwanda by the colonial government after he stole guns with the aim of carrying out terror activities. John Kale was excommunicated from the Catholic Church after he pronounced allegiance to communism. John Kale’s son. Gen. Kayihura joined Museveni’s Bush War in the hope of stepping in the footsteps of his late father. Kayihura became Museveni’s blue eyed boy who held different politically strategic positions. His last assignment was being the Police chief where he excelled in privatizing the police force into a regime tool of persecution. He too had come to believe that Museveni was grooming him (KK) for the presidency. After realizing that Museveni was instead plotting to have his son inherit the presidency, KK allegedly plotted to take power with the help of Rwanda. He was humiliatingly sacked, arrested, and detained without trial until he lost his wings.
Gen. Kahinda Otafiire was one of the people who, for obvious reasons, Museveni deliberately kept off the mainstream military command structure during both the Bush War and upon coming into government.
However, since the bush war era, Ofafiire has always been loyal to Museveni and has held several cabinet positions during the last 38 years. He is feared to be plotting to challenge his boss on power and has consistently demonstrated his opposition to the scheme to have Museveni’s son, Gen. Muhoozi inherit the presidency.
Gen. Fred Rwigyema was among the thousands of Banyarwanda Tutsi refugees who joined Museveni’s Bush War. His ambition was to spearhead the return of Rwandan refugees back to Rwanda and to become their Party thereafter. He rose to become the Deputy army chief and Minister of State for Defense. He died on the second day of his military invasion of Rwanda in 1990.
Gen. Paulo Kagame (Pilato, PK) who is a strict discplinarian became Museveni’s blue eyed boy during the Bush War. Upon coming to power, PK became the defacto Director of Military Intelligence. He took over the leadership of the invasion of Rwanda in 1990. He has been the President of Rwanda to this day. However, his presidency has always had trouble with Museveni. Right from the start, Museveni did not approve the Kagame presidency not only because he (Museveni) feared that PK would perform better than him (Kaguta) but would incite other Bush War comrades back in Uganda to also seek the presidency. That is why Museveni has never brought any of their Bush War colleagues anywhere close to the presidency. Museveni’s choice of the current Vice president, Major Jesca Alupo, the stranger who joined the army ten years after the NRA had captured power, is designed to send a clear message for them (Bush Generals) to forget about the presidency. You can imagine the humiliating scenario where a cabinet Minister Gen. Otafiire has to salute Major Jesca Alupo in the event of a cabinet meeting chaired by the latter.
Therefore, many of Museveni’s elite Bush War comrades falsely believed that he would only hold the presidency for a short term and allow them to also offer leadership. They came to realize that he was instead pursuing a life presidency scheme and at worst his son’s inheritance of the same. That’s why they have opted to challenge his hold on power by both constitutional and unconstitutional means. They envy Rwanda’e Paul Kagame and feel that if he made it why not them.
INFORMATION IS POWER AND THE PROBLEM OF UGANDA IS MUSEVENISM
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