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UGANDA: How Museveni undermined all past governments (PHOTOS)

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“At no time during my time in the opposition did we try to fail the government in power at the time. Never. The groups I belonged to never worked to ‘kulemesa’. Instead, we always tried to use the positive points that existed in the government.
We never tried to blow up factories built by Idi Amin even when we were fighting. Why? Because Uganda needs more industries. When we came into power, those same factories helped us. Nile Mansion where we are sitting now was constructed by Amin. Obote started its construction but Amin finished it. Uganda House, Post Office Building, Nalukolongo Railways were all built by Amin………..”
Museveni’s budget speech June 2019.

The above statement exposes Museveni’s opportunism and hypocrisy at its best. In the past this website has endeavoured to highlight Museveni’s role in undermining past governments as below:

Saturday, 29 October 2016
at 13:28
“……… We allowed Uganda Airlines to die because it was making loses and, at that time, Ugandans were not travelling as much as today”……we are not finalising modalities. Therefore, my dear Ugandans, I can confidently tell you that the future is bright”
Museveni – during the 54 Independence anniversary last month in Luuka district.
When MUSEVENI took over power 30 years ago he inherited a robust social and economic infrastructure. Though production was not adequate at the time because of the political upheavals of the time for which he had played a leading role (1972 – 1986) as he manoeuvred to gain power, the infrastructure was intact and only needed slight fine tuning. Unknown to his comrades, right from the beginning MUSEVENI had a plan of life presidency.

To achieve this his strategy, he plotted to reign over an IMPOVERISHED, IGNORANT AND FEAR-STRICKEN population. He believed that an impoverished population would worship him as the giver of everything. An ignorant and fear stricken population would not analytically and courageously question his mismanagement. The past regimes of Obote I and II 1967 – 1971 and 1981 – 1985 respectively and the Iddi Amin regime (1971 – 1979) had initiated robust economic and social infrastructures. Schools, hospitals, factories, public transport, cooperative movement, public service, tourism, and other infrastructures were first class. Museveni who feared that his negative propaganda to demonize past leaders as having been failures would be undermined by the existence of these infrastructures, had to move very fast to destroy them.

In so doing, he was also targeting economic deprivation of individuals and groups of individuals like the Baganda, the Northerners and Easterners whom he perceives to have been the dominant beneficiaries of such infrastructures in terms of supplying raw materials and employment. Since the so called 1979 liberation had neutralised the Mafuta Mingis (economic beneficiaries of the Iddi Amin regime), Museveni targeted economic deprivation of Obote’s UPCs that he believed were deeply entrenched in these infrastructures. Also in his focus was the Baganda elites and Kingdom because of its land, ready market for their products in Kampala city and coffee.

First was the Currency Reform that saw personal money being stolen in broad daylight. Next was the campaign of terror on the people of northern and eastern Uganda that destroyed their economic base and social fabrics before unleashing of Karamojong cattle rustlers and individual military commanders to deplete the regions of cattle that had been an integral part of their economic likelihood. Then followed the retrenchment from public service of a number of traditional civil servants who were perceived to be aligned to past regimes and then the privatisation of stare owned parastals that left the target population economically deprived.

The deliberate collapsing of cooperative unions, Cooperative Bank and giving away of Uganda Commercial Bank (UCB) were all schemes to economically deprive the population. The deliberate neglect of pensioners and wanton theft of pensioners’ money is aimed at furtherance of this scheme since majority of the pensioners served under the past regimes. That way, he managed to create his own class of economic beneficiaries through institutionalized theft of public money, corruption, sectarianism and abuse of office. This is the section of the population that is comprising of the much cherished ‘Middle Income Class’ that is behind the land grabbing as a final strategy to impoverish the population.

All those so called poverty alleviation initiatives that have not made any impact were simply designed to hoodwink the population. Bona Bagagawale, Entandikwa, NUSAF, PRDP, SACCOS, NAADS, Operation Wealth Creation (OWC) are schemes simply meant to hoodwink the population thus why they have not made any economic impact………………..

Sunday, 21 July 2013
at 08:20
After his Sept 1972 failed hasty invasion from Tanzania, Museveni desperately intensified his clandestine hit squads inside Amin’s Uganda. In Jan. 1973, Amin’s security services captured some members of such hit squads who had been infiltrated into the country. Their network was busted the captives summarily tried by a military tribunal headed by Col. Ozoo and found guilty and sentenced to death on 23rd Jan. 1973.

The evidence against them was overwhelming following the defection of some two recruits from a newly set up camp in the Bunya forest in Busoga region. The following day on 24th Jan. 1973, they were publicly executed by firing squad in their respective home areas. Among them was Capt. Masaba, Joseph Bitwari, James Karambi, and Pheres Kasoro. On 30th Jan. 1973 a one Abwooli Malibo from Tooro was arrested in Kampala in possession of a pistol and he confessed that he had been sent to kidnap and assassinate key targets in the Amin government. Also, from the northern region Amos Obwona and John Labeja were found in possession of five assault rifles and were given the same treatment. These ones may have belonged to the Oyite Ojok clandestine group.

Back in Tanzania, it had by then become clearer that Museveni intended to run parallel efforts to ouster Iddi Amin. The main group was that of former President Milton Obote which comprised of senior army officers. Museveni intensified clandestine acts of sabotage inside Uganda and against exile groups. This is confirmed by Museveni’s self confession of deliberate destabilisation thus “it was following these encounters that ……and some of the most prominent members of Amin’s government fled into exile.” These were top government officials like Prof Dan Nabudere, Prof Banage, Prof Rugumayo, Prince Elizabeth Bagaaya etc.

Inside Uganda, the Amin regime was thrown into confusion and Iddi Amin now behaved like a wounded buffalo. Suspicion and mistrust took centre stage as is the situation in Museveni’s Uganda now. With some key figures in his cabinet fleeing into exile, Iddi Amin filled cabinet positions with military officers and top positions in the army and intelligence services were dominated by his ethnic west Nilers of Sudanic origin.
However, some performed very well i.e. Brig. Barnabas Killi the Minister of Education oversaw a flourishing education standard in the country that is yet to be witnessed again. In support of the Palestinian cause, Iddi Amin expelled the Israelis and ceased relations and later he expelled the Asians.

Arrests, torture, murders, kidnapping, forced disappearances and detention without trial became the order of the day. Some of these murders, kidnappings and disappearances of prominent personalities have never been satisfactorily explained. The fact is that both the Iddi Amin regime and the groups fighting him contributed. A Nairobi based Museveni close confidant, Wycliffe Kazoora sent a group from Nairobi armed with a pistol and good amount of cash with instructions to assassinate prominent personalities but were intercepted by Amin’s security agents.

Another FRONASA operative Chris Nyombi was intercepted at Malaba border post with heeps of anti-Amin propaganda pamphlets enroute from Nairobi. Museveni’s Nairobi station managers were Amama Mbabazi, Otafiire and Wycliffe Kazoora. Such pamphlets would either be posted to specific addresses or slotted into offices of prominent people with the sole aim of putting the targets into Iddi Amin’s direct line of fire.
A one Peter Owili of Obote’s group posed as a member of Amin’s State Research Bureau and kidnapped the Central Bank Governor Joseph Mubiru.

In Sept 1972 both Michael Kabali Kagwa and Ben Kiwanuka the President of Uganda Industrial Court and the Chief Justice respectively disappeared without trace. Around the same time, such incidents led to leading personalities to flee Uganda.
It is because of the contribution of the Anti-Amin groups (Museveni in particular) in these murders, that no single member of Iddi Amin’s intelligence services has ever been made to answer.

Wednesday, 31 July 2013
at 06:37
After the NRA had targeted and dealt a blow on the Tanzanian army in Uganda, next they targeted the members, local leaders and youth wingers of the UPC party in Luwero. The NRA would kidnap, torture and gruesomely execute these captives. Those who survived capture fled to safe areas like Kampala city. Among the skulls always on display in Luwero Triangle, the remains of these UPC members are included. Museveni and his top military officials have often admitted to killing members of the UPC party.

Special squads of the NRA would dress up in UNLA uniform, attack, kill and loot villages. Shortly after another squad of the same NRA would emerge and pretend to be rescuing the victims by shooting in the air. Then the NRA would advise the unsuspecting villager to move to its hideouts for safety. Once in the hideouts, the males would be enlisted for military training. This gave rise to a number of male under 14 years commonly known as Kadogos enlisting into NRA. The NRA has always argued that these children were orphaned victims of government killings without explaining the whereabouts of the female orphans!

Within the NRA structure there was this dangerous wing called Clandestine. The Clandestine team was based outside Luwero Triange and mostly concentrated in Kampala. It was charged with among others sabotage to tarnish the image of goverment, intelligence gathering, managing safehouses for receiving and despatching fighters to and from the bush, trailing and locating targets that needed to be ‘eliminated’, receiving and redirecting fresh recruits to the bush, receiving the sick and injured from the bush, ‘knocking off’ errant members of NRA as was the case with Sam Magara and Sam Katabarwa. In one incident the Clandestine team invited Matayo Kyaligonza’s Black Bomber (Urban Hit Squad) to shoot and kill a UNLA Senior Officer at a popular drinking joint at Kisementi. By mistaken identity a DP Member of Parliament (MP) from Tooro, Hon. Bamuturaki was shot dead by Matayo Kyaligonza as the MP excused himself in the urinals of the pub. Ofcourse, as was the then order of the day, the UPC government and the UNLA took the blame. Kyaligonza’s Black Bomber caused alot of havoc in Kampala.

Those security sweeps in Kampala (panda garis) would always be in response to the actions of the clandestine team and the Black Bomber. Whenever, goverment security agencies would close in on a member of the Clandestine team, he would flee to the bush. A number of them were either arrested, killed or detained. After coming to power, some members of the Clandestine team went into full time military service, others were appointed to public service positions while others were completely sidelined. Notable among the clandestine group was Sserwanga Lwanga, Innocent Bisangwa who hijacked the plane to Kasese in late 1985 and Andrew Lutaya the only civilian during the Kabamba attack. Nsaba Buturo the then District Commissiner of Kampala may have belonged to this team or was a mere NRA contact. The clandestine team still exists under the banner of President’s office or State House Intelligence…………………………….

Wednesday, 24 July 2013
at 17:34
………..After lengthy deliberations, in the first round of voting Prof. Edward Rugumayo the Chairman of NCC was selected to be the next President. But on techinical grounds ochestrated by Museveni because he feared a strong leader, a second round of voting the same night saw Godfrey Binaisa being selected in absentia as the next President. Museveni in the company of his former GSU handler, Mukombe Mpambara personally drove to go and pick Godfrey Binaisa from a Hotel and delivered him to State House.

Immediately after Binaisa was swon in as the new president, massive violent protests broke out in Kampala demanding for the reinstatement of Prof. Lule (Twagala Lule). Both the Tanzanian Army commanders and Agrey Awori who was Binaisa’s Aide urged the President to give orders for the security forces to shoot at the rioters but Binaisa outrightly refused. Instead, Museveni who was the then Minister of Defence went ahead to unleash the army against the protestors. Consequently the protest was contained but having left several dead and hundreds injured. Museveni’s current brutal suppression of peaceful dissent should be traced to this incident thus his fear of the people’s power.

Binaisa’s presidency faced a number of challenges. He had no control of the security forces. He could not make any decision without consulting Tanzania’s Nyerere but still through the Tanzania’s Resident Minister, Nshekilango. He presided over a goverment split along two major competetors i.e FRONASA/Museveni and Kikosi Maluun/Obote. His two Aides, Agrey Awori and Tumusiime Mutebile were spies working for the Obote and Museveni factions respectively. He iniherited a newly set up communist political and economic structure and was pursuing capitalist programes of free market, democracy and human rights. During the OAU sumit in Liberia, he was denied recognition on grounds that Uganda’s independence was questionable owing to its occupation by the Tanzanian Army.

During this time, the military race between Kikosi Maluum and Museveni’s FRONASA was heating up. Unlike Lule, Binaisa realised that real power lay with ‘the men in uniform’ and sought to neutralise them. A new wave of insecurity hit the capital Kampala where there was a series of unexplained murders of prominient personalities. Due to the proliferation of security forces at the time and though Kampala was operationaly under Kikosi Maluum, it was difficult to point a finger at any particular group. Political elites and proffessionals were targeted and in particular Mulago Hosipital Medical Doctors. During the same period when Binaisa left to attend the NAM meeting in Cuba, he left Museveni who was the Minister of Defence as the in-charge of government affairs. In that short period, three Mulago Hospital employees were shot dead and shortly after Jack Barlow and Dr. Abuden Abache were killed.

The truth is that it was the work of Museveni’s FRONASA aimed at discrediting the Kikosi Maluum and weakening the post Amin government. Museveni had unsuccessfuly argued that Kikosi Maluum leaves Kampala.

Binaisa removed Museveni from the Ministry of Defence to that of Regional Cooperation. He threatened to disband the Military comission for which Museveni was the Vice Chairman arguing that it had outlived its purpose. He urged Tanzania to start withdrawing its troops. He appointed the commander of Kikosi Maluum, David Oyite Ojok as Ambassador to Aligeria. He also planned to bring in an African peace keeping force.

The Military commission for which Museveni was the Vice Chairman conspired with the Tanzania army and government and put Binaisa under detention. The country was now ruled by the Military Commission with Museveni as the 2nd most powerful man in the country. Binaisa was only to be released later by Obote during the 2nd UPC government.
From the a foregoing, it can be authoritatively argued that Museveni did not only gain the presidency through undermining past governments but since coming into power he has maliciously been destroying all that past leaders achieved for the country.


—— AUTO – GENERATED; Published (Halifax Canada Time AST) on: June 15, 2019 at 05:42PM

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